by Rhoda Njanana
This is the second in a four-part series on South African elections In another fortnight, the South African electorate will put an effective end to the old order of apartheid. Despite ongoing civil unrest, which has claimed nearly 300 lives in two weeks of factional massacres, there is real hope for a democratic South Africa.
Hope for a truly democratic new South Africa stems from the fact that factional rivalries between purported Zulu supporters of the Inkatha Freedom Party (lFP, and the African National Congress (ANC), which is highly billed to win the polls, have been blown out of proportion.
For one thing, not all Zulus are IFP members. For another, there is little link between the Zulu throne led by Goodwill Zwelithini and the party politics of his uncle, Mangosuthu Buthelezi.
Observers within the country and, in fact the rest of the continent, believe the King is well aware that Buthelezi has no real interest in the polls because he knows he will lose anyway, even in KwaZulu, his alleged stronghold. They further point out that the King is abdicating his duties as monarch of all Zulus by supporting his uncle.
Thus far, the observers say the link between the IFP and the thrown is being overdone to create an artificial sense of instability and forestall the process of democratization.
Beyond violence, Presidents Nelson Mandela and Frederick W. de Klerk have made significant concessions just to accommodate Buthelezi. But for every offer made, Buthelezi comes up with new demands.
In one such new development, the ANC has offered to recognize the King as monarch for KwaZulu and Natal with constitutional powers, liberty, rights and responsibility in the new South Africa. The King neither accepted nor rejected the offer.
However, Buthelezi now says he will only participate in the general elections if the dates set for the elections, and when the country’s interim constitution becomes law, are delayed. Outside big-time party politics, the public is equally disillusioned by the dirty tricks being played on the democratic process.
“Elections cannot be postponed simply because of Buthelezi, the King and their followers,” said an irate prominent Johannesburg-based lawyer who did not want to be identified by name. “Why should De Klerk and Mandela go down their knees begging Buthelezi? They have tried and failed, now is the time for them to use force,” said the lawyer.
The presence of two international mediators — former US secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, and former British Foreign Secretary, Lord Carrington, has raised hopes that the ANC and IFP will reach an agreement on their constitutional differences.
The meeting with the mediators is scheduled to take place this week and both parties have agreed the decision of the mediators will not be binding but will serve as guidelines. Mandela, on his part, has promised to continue negotiations with Buthelezi until a lasting solution is found.
In support of the process in South Africa, more than 20, 000 observers, drawn from international organizations such as the United Nations, the European Union, the Commonwealth, Organization of African Unity and non-governmental organizations have thronged the country to witness that elections are conducted freely and fairly. Never before has a single African country attracted so many observers.
Their role will be that of establishing the legitimacy of the electoral process from the beginning of campaigns to the final counting of ballots. In carrying out its mandate of levelling the political playing field and creating a climate conducive for free and fair elections, the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) and the government declared the state of emergency in KwaZulu on 31 March in an attempt to quell violence rocking the homeland.
Most South Africans are calling on the TEC and the government to depose Buthelezi so that the people of KwaZulu and Natal can cast their votes. “How can the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) judge the election free and fair if one of the country’s provinces with a population of 6.6 million does not take part in the elections?” asked a ANC supporter in Natal.
Although the TEC is not a government, it bas powers to annul or approve any national decisions taken by the government, political parties or any institution without its approval. Its most important components include the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), Media Commission and the Independent Broadcasting Authority.
Made up of 16 men and women, the IEC will operate independently and separately from the government and the TEe. It will plan, conduct and decide whether or not the election was free and fair. The main objective of the IMC and the Broadcasting Authority is to ensure that public media is accessible to all political parties. The IMC, will among other things, monitor all broadcasting services in the country including those in the homelands. In addition, the Commission will monitor party election broadcasts, political advertisements and political content of state-financed publications and state information services.
Administration, management and planning of frequency bands for broadcasters and issuing of broadcasting licenses will be the main task of the IBA. However, licenses would not be granted to any political party or organization. IBA will also ensure that broadcasting services are not controlled by foreigners.
It is clear from the duties of the TEC that the task ahead is enormous and complex. However, its success will depend largely on the commitment and determination of the people of South Africa to live together in harmony. (SADC)
